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Anonymous April 02, PM. Anonymous November 27, PM. Newer Post Older Post Home. Subscribe to: Post Comments Atom. Blogger Unknown proud mama. Television and video exposure is particularly high among African American youth. Media exposure is negatively related to indicators of socioeconomic status, but that relationship may be diminishing. Media exposure is positively related to risk-taking behaviors and is negatively related to personal adjustment and school performance.
Roberts and Foehr also review evidence pointing to the existence of a digital divide—variations in access to personal computers and allied technologies by socioeconomic status and by race and ethnicity. Newer media, they point out, are not displacing older media but are being used in concert with them.
The authors note which young people are more or less likely to use several media concurrently and which media are more or less likely to be paired with various other media. Roberts, the Thomas More Storke Professor Emeritus in the Department of Communication at Stanford University, has spent more than thirty years conducting research and writing about youth and media. Ulla G. Foehr is a media research consultant specializing in children and media use behaviors. What began as a media stream half a century ago has become a torrent whose strength continues to increase.
Following the war, television set distribution went from 0. Census Bureau estimated that U. Personal computers were swiftly embraced by families with children. These computers had penetrated almost a quarter of homes with children between the ages of three and seventeen years by , 70 percent of such homes by , and 75 percent by Similarly, the Internet, which became available to the general population in the early s, was being used at home by 22 percent of three- to seventeen-year-olds in and by 63 percent in The music industry relies on fourteen- to twenty-four-yearold consumers.
Youth-oriented interactive games inhabit the TV screen, the computer screen, an array of handheld devices, and cyberspace. With so many media and so much content available, it is not surprising that young people devote much of their time to media. But how much time?
To which media? To what kinds of content? Under what conditions? The importance of these questions should not be underestimated. Hundreds of studies examining media effects on children many of which will be examined in other articles in this issue are based on assumptions about exposure. Likewise, questions about whether and how the time youth devote to media affects other areas in their lives, such as the time spent doing homework or participating in after-school activities, depend on accurate measures of that time.
In short, almost any question about how media affect young people is predicated on assumptions about media exposure. Questions about media use and exposure, however, are not easily answered. For example, cell phones, a relatively rare possession among U. Media multitasking—the concurrent use of multiple media—has become the order of the day, one result of which is that youngsters report substantially more hours of being exposed to media content than hours of using media. Such disclaimers notwithstanding, recent research provides a reasonably clear snapshot of what remains, for better or worse, a moving target.
The following examination of U. We focus primarily on recent studies that have used large, representative samples and gathered information on the full array of media available to young people. For the most part, information concerning younger children from birth to eight years comes from three studies conducted under the auspices of the Kaiser Family Foundation and is based on parent reports.
Foehr Table 1. Household and Personal Media Ownership, by Age of Child Percent Share of children of various ages whose households contain media Type of medium Television Video player Radio Audio player Video game player Computer Cable or satellite Internet access Instant messaging program 0—6 years 0—1 years 2—3 years 4—6 years 99 93 n.
Except where noted, exposure times refer to recreational or leisure media use—that is, exposure to media content not associated with school or homework or with any kind of employment. Television has penetrated 99 percent of all households with children, and more than 95 percent of those same households have video players, radios, and compact disc and tape audio players. Seventy-eight percent of households with young children birth to six years and 85 percent of those with eight- to eighteen-yearolds have personal computers, and 50 percent of households with younger children and 83 percent of those with older children have a video game console.
Moreover, most children live with several of these media. The typical U. Indeed, the presence of youngsters in a household stimulates early adoption of the new electronic media. For example, the 73 percent computer penetration Nielsen found for all U. S households in is substantially below the 85 percent penetration found three years earlier in homes with eight- to eighteen -year-olds. Similarly, Nielsen now reports PDMPs in 27 percent of all households, Personal Media Personal media—that is, media that young people claim as their own—also affect access and exposure.
The Kaiser data reveal that in , 68 percent of U. Television is the most ubiquitous personal medium among children, but far from the only one. In , 23 percent of children in the birth to six-year age range had a video player in their bedroom, 10 percent had a video game player, and 5 percent a personal computer. Not surprisingly, the proportions climb as children get older. For example, in excess of 80 percent of eight- to eighteen-year-olds report having their own radio and their own CD or tape player 92 percent claim some kind of music medium ; 31 percent have a computer of their own, half have a video player, and 49 percent a video game console in their room.
As new electronic media become more portable and more affordable, young people tend to number among the earlier adopters. In , 61 percent of eight- to eighteen-year-olds claimed to own a portable CD or tape player, 55 percent a handheld video game, 18 percent a PDMP, 39 percent their own cell phone, and 13 percent some kind of handheld Internet device Internet connectivity via cell phone was relatively rare at that time.
Rapid diffusion of such media among youth is further attested to by estimates from that 45 percent of teens owned their own cell phone, up from 39 percent in Recent U. Department of Education data indicate that percent of U. Internet connections, according to differences in socioeconomic status, race and ethnicity, gender, and geography rural and urban location. More recently, as the gap in access to computers has narrowed somewhat, the term has also been applied both to broadband connectivity and to differences in technical support and in how members of different socioeconomic status or ethnic groups use the technology.
For example, the U. Share of Children Age 3—17 with Computers in Home, by Household Income Percent 80 60 40 20 0 0—5k 5—10k 10—15k 15—20k 20—30k 30—40k 40—50k 50—60k 60—75k 75— k — k Household income Source: U. Ownership of allied computer technologies such as Internet connections and instant messaging programs follows the same pattern, with more access in homes where parents completed college and less in homes where parents completed high school.
Figure 2 illustrates differences of in-home computer availability as a function of race and ethnicity. A higher share of white 90 percent than either African American 78 percent or Hispanic 80 percent eight- to eighteen-year-olds live with personal computers, and the pattern is similar for Internet connections and instant messaging programs. Moreover, the likelihood of having a website that can make information available to parents and students is lower both in schools with high minority enrollments and in schools with the highest concentrations of poverty.
Foehr Table 2. Television Videos and movies Audio Video games Computer Total media exposure Total media use Source: Data on sample of children 0—6 years from Rideout and Hamel see table 1 ; on sample 2—7 years from Donald F.
Because time-use diaries were not obtained for the sample of young children, total media use estimates are not available for them.
It is more accurate to ask youngsters to report time they spend with each individual medium Yesterday, how much time did you spend using a computer? How much time did you watch TV? That is, while engaged in one hour of Trends in Media Use media use playing a video game while listening to music a youngster is exposed to two hours of media content one hour of video game content, one of music content.
The exposure-use distinction has become especially important as new media, particularly the personal computer, have increased the amount of concurrent media use as well as the rate of media multitasking among young people. Exposure to electronic media starts early and rises quickly. In , children six years and younger averaged two hours and twenty-four minutes daily exposure to media content. Data on concurrent media use were not collected for the birth to six-year-old samples.
In , however, parents reported that a national sample of two- to seven-year-olds experienced of media exposure while engaged in media use. Among older children and adolescents, in , eight- to eighteen-year-olds reported an average of of daily electronic media exposure, but packed all that content into just over of media use.
Donald Roberts, Ulla Foehr, and Victoria Rideout conjecture that a ceiling for media use may have been reached, but that the explosion of new media has led to increased exposure because of increases in the proportion of media time that young people use several media concurrently. In , eight- to eighteen-yearolds devoted 51 percent of their media time to TV and to videos and movies; in the proportion was 48 percent.
In short, total media exposure increased, media multitasking increased, total use remained relatively constant, and there is VOL. Foehr little evidence that any medium—but especially television—is being displaced. However the Pew Internet and American Life Project reports that in two-thirds of all teenagers with cell phones at that time 45 percent of all teens used instant messaging IM , with half of IM users exchanging such messages at least once daily.
There is little question that some of this difference is real. It drops off slightly for a brief period, then climbs to a peak of just over eight hours daily at around eleven to twelve years, followed by a gradual decline to about seven hours daily during later adolescence. This age-related, bi-modal pattern that is, having two distinct peaks of exposure was noted for television some years ago and, as is also illustrated in table 3, continues to hold for that medium.
At around four to six years, however, children begin school, and the more structured and to some extent television-free school environment means less time is available for media. As young children adapt to the demands of school and begin to have somewhat later bedtimes, TV viewing and overall media exposure climbs again. A few years later, however, the change from grade school to middle school brings with it new demands on time—longer school hours, homework, and organized after-school activities, such as sports, clubs, and jobs.
The social demands of adolescence, coupled with increased mobility, also cut into media time; given a choice between hanging out with friends or watching TV, for example, a typical sixteen-year-old usually chooses the former.
Age-related exposure patterns, of course, depend on both the medium and the needs Trends in Media Use Figure 3. For example, among older youths, exposure to audio media, which is generally synonymous with music exposure, is positively and linearly related to age. As children grow older, they are exposed to more audio media.
A similar positive link exists for age and computer time. Conversely, video game playing is negatively related to age. In the case of exposure to audio media, table 2 illustrates that music listening starts out relatively low less than an hour daily at age eight , but climbs continually from that point, to more than three hours by age eighteen.
Computers follow a similar pattern, but for somewhat different reasons. We suspect that several factors account for increased computer time among teens. Foehr As noted, video game exposure is negatively related to age. With the exception of length of TV exposure, young African American and Hispanic children do not differ in their use of most other media. Young white children spend less time with videos, movies, and video games, and more time than African American children with computers.
Race and ethnicity are also related to similar differences in media exposure among older youths. African American and Hispanic youths report more overall media exposure than whites total daily media exposure is , , and for African Americans, Hispanics, and whites, respectively. African American youths spend more time with television than do either Hispanic or white youths , and when all screen media are com- Race and Ethnicity and Media Exposure Media exposure among young children, especially exposure to screen media such as television, videos, and movies, is related to race and ethnicity.
A similar pattern exists for time devoted to playing interactive games: African American youngsters report the most game playing daily , followed by Hispanic youngsters , then white youngsters Apparently fewer minority youths use computers, but those who do use them for longer periods than do their white counterparts. These relationships between media use and race and ethnicity largely withstand controls for socioeconomic status.
Recently, however, the picture has become clouded. The Kaiser study found no relationship between household income and either screen media exposure or overall media exposure among eight- to eighteen-year-olds questioned in Youths whose parents completed college reported the most media exposure, those whose parents had some college education reported the least exposure, and those whose parents completed no more than high school VOL.
Earlier work found both parental education and household income to be negatively related to screen exposure in general and to television exposure in particular,28 a pattern that has been repeated more recently for national samples of both younger and older youths. Foehr fell in between but nearer to the group that had completed college. Because the share of youngsters within each parental education category who used each of the media on any given day did not differ, it appears that although all young people watch screen media, those from the low- and high-education subgroups watch for longer periods on any given day.
Nevertheless, it is at least reasonable to speculate that American households have been so inundated by most media for so long that economic barriers to access are no longer a dominant issue; most low-income households have multiple TVs, video game players, and music media. Moreover, social attitudes toward the various media have become more accepting; for example, highly educated parents may not be as critical of media content as they once were.
Both trends were noted for television almost two decades ago. Rideout and Hamel report that among young children, boys spend more daily time than girls with video games versus , computers versus , and screen media overall versus Older girls, on the other hand, report more daily exposure than boys to audio media boys, ; girls, The overall result is no gender differences in total media exposure. Each of these trends facilitates access to media, which in turn affects media exposure.
Each trend may also indicate more positive family attitudes toward media and media use than was the case several decades ago. That is, parents who allow or facilitate putting television sets Gender and Media Exposure Gender has not been shown to relate to differences in overall media exposure.
However, boys and girls do report differing exposure Table 3. Daily Media Exposure of Children 8—18, by Household Media Environment Household media environment Television in bedroom No television in bedroom Household rules about television No household rules about television High-television-orientation Not high-television-orientation Television Videos and movies Audio Video games Computer Total Source: Adapted from Roberts, Foehr, and Rideout, Generation M see table 1.
It is also important to note that the predictive power of a bedroom TV set is not limited to television exposure. Victoria Rideout, Elizabeth Vanderwater, and Ellen Wartella found that young children with bedroom TVs also spend more time playing video games, and Roberts, Foehr, and Rideout found that among older youths a bedroom TV predicts more video game playing and more video viewing, the result of which is two hours a day more overall media exposure see table 3.
Some support for this possibility comes from evidence that children in households where parents set rules about TV viewing are exposed less not only to television, but also to most electronic media see table 3. As is clear in table 3, young people from high-televisionorientation households report substantially higher exposure to each of the electronic media, resulting in more than two hours more daily total media exposure than reported by youth from households where the television does not assume such a central position.
In other words, both easy household access to media and a positive household orientation toward media, especially television, operate to increase the time young people spend with media, hence the number of media messages they encounter.
Roberts and Foehr speculate that perhaps media have become such an integral part of most U. It seems, then, that although young people who achieve high grades continue to spend less time with media, the difference is not nearly as large as has been found in previous research. Although the between-group differences for other types of media exposure were not reliable, high sensation seekers consistently reported higher levels of exposure than their low and moderate sensation-seeking counterparts.
Heavy Media Exposure As noted, the data summarized in table 2 provide scant support for the idea that time spent with new media is displacing time spent with older media. Rather, at least among older youths eight to eighteen years , high exposure to one medium goes handin-hand with high exposure to most other media.
Youngsters classed as heavy users of each of these three media consistently reported higher levels of exposure to all other media. Heavy TV users reported about two hours more daily exposure to all other media excluding TV than moderate or light viewers—, as against and For heavy computer users and heavy video game players, the difference in exposure to all other media ranged from three to four hours more daily.
For heavy computer users, the time reported was , as against for moderate users and for light users. It is also worth noting that the pattern holds for each individual medium as well as for overall media exposure.
The total media exposure reported by each of the high-exposure groups is so high as to give one pause. Similarly large numbers result when we conduct the same exercise for youngsters classed as heavy users of computers a minimum of ten hours daily media exposure or of video VOL. Foehr games twelve hours daily exposure. A large part of the answer appears to reside in the media multitasking phenomenon—that is, the growing levels of concurrent media use among U.
Media Multitasking In a recent examination of media multitasking, Ulla Foehr provides insights not only about the level of concurrent media use, but also about who is and is not media multitasking and which media are more likely to be used concurrently with which other media.
Wide variations, however, exist in how and how much young people media-multitask. Amount of media exposure strongly predicts media multitasking. This is hardly surprising. Arguably the two activities can be conceived as two sides of the same coin. Similarly, 33 percent of heavy computer users but only 8 percent of light computer users were heavy multitaskers.
Clearly, although some young people are more likely than others to use several media concurrently and some media invite multitasking more than others, the use of several media at the same time is a growing phenomenon among U.
Correlates of Media Multitasking Both opportunity and environment play an important role in concurrent media use. Young people from households where the television can be seen from the computer are more likely to be media multitaskers than are young people from households in which computer placement does not allow TV viewing.
Youth from homes with no computer are less likely to be media multitaskers, probably because the computer promotes media multitasking more than any other medium. Young people from high-television-orientation households see table 3 are also more likely to use several media concurrently than are those from low-televisionorientation households. In other words, children from homes in which the television is usually on, is on during dinner, and in which Trends in Media Use Table 4.
On a more psychological level, high sensation-seeking youngsters are more likely than their low sensation-seeking counterparts to be media multitaskers. Girls report more concurrent media exposure than boys. Table 4 summarizes the share of total time spent with each individual medium or in the case of the computer, on each different computer activity that is also shared with any other medium.
Only 17 percent of television time is shared with other media, while a third of time spent listening to music is shared with other media, and 41 percent of video game time is shared. Television time is highly likely to be shared with a variety of non-media activities, such as eating or doing household chores. Indeed, when each individual medium is examined in terms of the proportion of time it shares with each other medium, television ranks as most likely to be multitasked.
That is, television is the medium most likely to be paired with music listening, reading, video gaming, and e-mailing and second most likely to be paired with each of the other computer activities.
In other words, although when watching television a young person is least VOL. Some media pairings also seem more reasonable Donald F. Table 4 also indicates that the computer is at the heart of the multitasking phenomenon. When all computer activities are lumped together to measure computer time, then the computer looks comparable to such media as music or print in terms of how much of its time is shared just under half.
But when each individual computer activity is examined separately, most of the time it is used is typically shared with other media frequently with other computer activities.
For example, the proportion of shared computer activity time ranges from 60 percent doing homework on the computer to 83 percent sending e-mail.
In other words, when young people use a computer, they are likely engaged in secondary activities, other media activities dominate as secondary activities, and another computer activity is most likely to be paired with the primary computer activity. They devote more time to media than to any other single activity with the exception of sleep.
They frequently listen while they watch while they click and, sometimes at least, write. At this very moment, I am watching TV, checking my email every two minutes, reading a newsgroup about who shot JFK, burning some music to a CD and writing this message. As high-speed connectivity has expanded the communication capabilities of computers, whether in the form of desktop PCs, laptops, or, more recently, mobile phones which have rapidly morphed into pocket computers , content that three decades ago was delivered through distinctly different media can now be accessed through a single instrument.
New conceptualizations might take any of several forms. They could focus on the functions served by media exposure diversion and pleasure, information seeking, social networking. They could look at the type of engagement different kinds of exposure elicits active responding as with a video game; information-seeking as working on a homework assignment; content creation, as when constructing a MySpace page; less active processing, as when watching a situation comedy or music video. Even when results are examined in terms of the variables, such as age, gender, race, and socioeconomic status, commonly used in research, the results are based on averages.
The problem is that averages may conceal a great deal of variation. Although it is true that substantial numbers of young VOL. That the media give American youngsters almost instantaneous access to more information than has ever been available to any previous generation—access that, by the teen years, is generally unsupervised— suggests that the scrutiny should be intense.
Melvin L. New York: Longman, Eric C. Donald F. Victoria J. Rideout, Elizabeth A. Vandewater, and Ellen A. Inclusion of media-focused, time-use diaries is an important element of these studies because they enable estimates of the proportion of time youngsters use several media concurrently, an increasingly common media behavior among U.
Roberts, Foehr, and Rideout, Generation M see note 5. Mary Story, Karen M. Henry J. Noeth and Boris B. See, for example, Jack Lyle and Heidi R. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, , pp. Although some recent studies have asked youngsters how often they use several media at once, the media use—media exposure distinction is possible only when research obtains measures of the amount of time youth use several media concurrently.
Roberts and his colleagues see note 5 accomplished this by collecting week-long time-use diaries asking youth to report all daily media activities for each half hour from 6 a. For a review of studies that have looked at displacement attributed to the introduction of television, see Diana C. Mutz, Donald F. Roberts, and D. Lenhart, Madden, and Hitlin, Teens and Technology see note 8.
Roberts and Foehr, Kids and Media in America see note 3 , using data gathered by Roberts, Foehr, and Rideout, Kids and Media at the New Millennium see note 4 , directly tested both TV viewing and overall media exposure and found that the bi-modal pattern holds remarkably well. Peter G. Christenson and Donald F. They argue that because music listening is to adolescents typically a secondary or even tertiary activity, it is frequently overlooked when adolescents attempt to account for their time, and is therefore undercounted.
Rideout and Hamel, The Media Family see note 4. Also see A. Albarran and D. Comstock, Television and the American Child see note Both Roberts and others, Kids and Media see note 4 and Roberts, Foehr, and Rideout, Generation M see note 5 used federal estimates of median community income for the zip code area of each participating school as their proxy for household income. Foehr tional tools, but they also report that they are more likely to witness their children imitating positive than negative behaviors observed in the media.
For extended reviews of the relationship between various measures of academic performance and television exposure see Comstock, Television and the American Child see note 21 ; P. Sanford M. Roberts and Foehr, Kids and Media in America see note 3. See, for example, Hilde T. Himmelweit, A. Comstock, Television and the American Child see note 21 , p.
That is, the denominator in each of these calculations is the total of all time spent using a medium, whether as a primary or secondary activity; the numerator is the total amount of time spent with that medium that is also shared with any other medium.
It should be noted that there is still debate over whether and the degree to which media multitasking occurs simultaneously or serially albeit with extremely rapid serial switching. Television a medium includes at least two channels, visual and audio, and possibly a third for example, when a character reads aloud printed material presented on the screen.
Thus, for example, while simultaneous processing might operate when watching and hearing a television character read printed material aloud, serial processing might be required when reading a magazine and concurrently watching an unrelated television program or even listening to music.
See, for example, D. Meyer and D. Anderson Summary Electronic media, particularly television, have long been criticized for their potential impact on children.
Heather Kirkorian, Ellen Wartella, and Daniel Anderson summarize the relevant research and provide suggestions for maximizing the positive effects of media and minimizing the negative effects.
One focus of the authors is the seemingly unique effect of television on children under age two. With respect to children over two, the authors emphasize the importance of content in mediating the effect of television on cognitive skills and academic achievement. Early exposure to ageappropriate programs designed around an educational curriculum is associated with cognitive and academic enhancement, whereas exposure to pure entertainment, and violent content in particular, is associated with poorer cognitive development and lower academic achievement.
The authors point out that producers and parents can take steps to maximize the positive effects of media and minimize the negative effects.
Parents can select well-designed, age-appropriate programs and view the programs with their children to maximize the positive effects of educational media. Ellen Wartella is a professor, executive vice chancellor, and provost at the University of California—Riverside.
Daniel Anderson is a professor at the University of Massachusetts—Amherst. In recent years, this concern has extended to other electronic screen media, including computers and video game consoles.
The message is clear: most if not all media effects must be considered in light of media content. With respect to development, what children watch is at least as important as, and probably more important than, how much they watch.
Children as Active Media Users Until the s, social science researchers had only an implicit theory of how viewers watched television.
Analysts regarded television viewing, particularly by young children, as being cognitively passive and under the control of salient attention-eliciting features of the medium such as fast movement and sound effects. As a result, children cannot process television content and therefore cannot learn from it. In this article we review media research with an emphasis on cognitive skills and academic achievement in young children.
We begin by arguing that by age three, children are active media users. The show focuses heavily on pro-social themes of sharing, empathizing, helping others, and cooperating. A human host encourages viewers at home to help solve a mystery with his dog friend, Blue. Bob the Builder and his construction crew face building, renovation, and repair challenges. The series often focuses on identifying a problem and making a plan to solve the problem.
Featuring a bilingual Latina girl as the lead, Dora and her friends go on quests and help others, encouraging viewers to help out through their own actions or by telling her what she needs to know. In addition to highlighting traditional educational content such as color and shapes, Dora teaches language by repeating words and phrases in English and Spanish.
Centering on four colorful characters, the Teletubbies speak in a baby-like language and learn through play. The Teletubbies have televisions in their stomachs that show clips of real children from around the world. This program is targeted at toddlers. Based on a book series, Thomas the Tank Engine and his engine friends learn to work hard and be cooperative with each other. Featuring a four-man singing group for children, episodes of The Wiggles include songs and skits focused on solving a problem.
The Wiggles encourages children to sing songs and move their bodies to music. Description Series content covers wide range of topics including music, art, language, poetry, and science. Targeted at children starting at one month. Educational series highlighting range of subjects including alphabet, art, music, shapes, foreign languages, and right and left brain development.
Targeted at children starting at nine months. Features baby versions of the Muppets from Sesame Street. The focus is on encouraging interactions between child and caregivers. Targeted at children starting at six months. They argued that attention in children at least as young as two is guided in large part by program content. For example, preschool children pay more attention to normal video clips than to those that have been edited to make them incomprehensible, for example by using foreign dubs of the video clips or randomizing the order of shots within the clips.
In this section we summarize research on attention to, comprehension of, and learning from video by children under two.
Anderson did not focus on infants and toddlers. Early studies reported that children younger than two paid little attention to television, perhaps because little television was produced for them. See table 1 for a description of some popular media products for young children. Although the underlying mechanisms driving attention to video appear to be the same in adults and infants as young as three months, some research has found differences in the ways in which younger and older viewers watch professionally produced video.
The experiment found that although older children eighteen and twenty-four months looked for longer periods at the normal video segment than at the distorted segments, younger children six and twelve months did not appear to discriminate between the two. Some research suggests that children do not begin to discriminate between television and real-life events until the early preschool years. They noted that at age two, the children recognized that the television world was contained within the television set but not until they reached age three or four did they realize that the television world could not affect them—that, for example, television characters could not enter their bedrooms.
The authors concluded that sometime between ages two and three, children develop an understanding of the representational nature of video. For example, three- and four-yearold children saw a video image of a bowl of popcorn and were asked if the popcorn would fall out of the bowl when the television set was turned upside down.
The four-year-olds recognized that televised images represent real objects while three-year-olds failed to discriminate between televised images and real objects, claiming that the popcorn would fall out of the bowl if the television was turned upside down.
Experiments on learning from video have repeatedly found that infants and toddlers learn better from real-life experiences than from video. Studies of language learning have demonstrated that children aged two and older can learn vocabulary from television. One experiment found that children younger than two learned vocabulary better from real-life experiences than from equivalent video presentations.
Only the oldest age group was more likely to perform the behavior after seeing the video model than the control group after seeing no modeled behavior. But analysts know little about the extent to which children two Heather L. In these experiments, the child either sees a toy hidden in an adjacent room through a window or watches the toy being hidden on television. Three-year-olds did well on both tasks. In the second, an experimenter simply told the child, either live or on closed-circuit television, where the object was hidden.
Performance of two-yearolds in both tasks was still at chance levels in the television conditions. Researchers have not yet demonstrated any learning, or lack of it, from commercial baby videos. One recent study evaluated the effect of a series of baby videos designed to foster parent-child interactions. Compared with parents who watched a comparison series Baby Einstein , parents who watched videos from the Sesame Beginnings series showed more engaged interactions with their twelve- to twenty-onemonth-old children if they had coviewed the videos at home on multiple occasions.
To our knowledge no research has yet examined computer and interactive game use in infants and toddlers, although these products are now being developed for children as young as six months of age and some parents report that their infants and toddlers use these media regularly.
Based on a recent survey of parents, the Kaiser Family Foundation estimated that 61 percent of children under age two use screen media television, videos, DVDs on a typical day and 43 percent of infants and toddlers watch television every day.
Most correlational studies do not measure the types of programs to which children are exposed, making it impossible to draw any conclusions regarding content effects. However, a recent correlational study suggested that content is an important mediator of the relation between exposure to television before age three and subsequent attentional problems. Children who viewed the violent cartoons showed decreases in mea- sures of self-regulation, whereas those who viewed the prosocial programs showed higher levels of task persistence, rule obedience, and tolerance of delay relative to baseline measures and to children in the neutral viewing condition.
It is important to note that the three categories of programs likely differed not only in content but with respect to formal features such as format animation versus live-action and pace. Analysts found no group differences in measures of distractibility or impulsiveness following either reading or VOL. Anderson television viewing. Nonetheless, longitudinal research manipulating program content is needed to experimentally investigate the causal effect of television on attention in preschoolers.
Discussions of computer use and video games have been more optimistic, with the relevant research seeming to support a link between both and cognition. The research generally focuses on cognitive skills other than attention. Subjects were randomly assigned to an experimental group that played a spatial game, such as navigating a marble along tracks through space, or a control group that played a computerized word game that was not spatial.
Television, especially when viewed by children younger than age two, may have a negative effect on attention development, though the evidence is relatively weak. Concern over television exposure before age two has been echoed in research on cognitive development more generally. Studies of interactive media have found that video game play may enhance spatial cognition, but research is lacking on other cognitive skills, particularly attention development.
But because most research assessing the effectiveness of educational curricula is proprietary or not published in archival sources, most program evaluations go unseen by the general public.
Nevertheless, reviews of this research demonstrate the effectiveness, both shortterm and long-term, of curriculum-based Preschoolers who view Sesame Street have higher levels of school readiness than those who do not.
We present examples of both correlational and experimental evaluative studies. In a two-year program evaluation, Jennings Bryant and others followed preschoolers who were regular viewers of the show and preschoolers who were not because the program did not air in their town of residence.
Some television programs designed for young children focus on a variety of academic and social skills to help prepare children for entering school.
Correlational research demonstrates a positive association between early exposure to Sesame Street and school readiness. Nationally, there is some evidence for an increase in school readiness among preschoolers in recent years. Although media may have contributed to the trend, many other explanations, such as increases in preschool enrollment, also are plausible. For instance, some professionally produced, curriculum-based Internet websites for preschoolers are associated with television shows such as Sesame Street or Dora the Explorer, though no public domain research is available on the effect of these websites.
Researchers have conducted studies on the use of educational software at home. Although scarce, research on interactive media software suggests similar results.
We turn now to a discussion of associations between overall media use in early childhood and subsequent measures of overall achievement. Historically, however, television viewing has largely displaced other entertainment media such as comic books, radio, and cinema.
It may be that television viewing lowers academic achievement, but it is equally plausible that academically challenged children are more drawn to television as a leisure-time activity.
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